Why Germany’s “Paradigm Shift” on Israel Is a Lie
Despite some critical remarks, Germany hasn’t shifted its stance on Israel-Palestine. From Gaza to Tehran, its support for genocide and war persists – while Staatsräson is being rebranded.
What does Staatsräson mean when Germany is backing Israel’s genocide in Gaza?
The past two years point to a painfully easy answer: the concept has largely severed itself from any ethical foundation. It no longer affirms Germany’s historical responsibility – assuming it ever really did. On the contrary, it undermines it.
And yet, in recent weeks, cracks have begun to appear in what long seemed like an unshakable German consensus on Israel.
CDU foreign policy spokesman Johann Wadephul, a staunch transatlanticist, told Süddeutsche Zeitung it was questionable whether Israel’s actions in Gaza remained “compatible with international humanitarian law.” He added that arms exports would be reviewed – and possibly suspended. And Chancellor Friedrich Merz told a reporter that Israel’s strategic goals in Gaza were no longer clear to him.
Both statements stand in stark contrast to other remarks by the same people. During a visit to Israel in early May, Wadephul expressed “understanding” for one of Israel’s most blatant war crimes in Gaza so far: the blockade of humanitarian aid – i.e. the weaponization of starvation. He justified it by citing claims that Hamas was misusing it, a narrative pushed by Israel, yet unconfirmed by independent sources.
Both Wadephul’s and Merz’s rather critical remarks came before Israel launched its illegal war with Iran – an operation that appears at least in part designed to rebrand Israel’s image in the West not as a brute, genocidal force, but as a bulwark of civilization against the Iranian Islamist leadership. In the same spirit of colonial hubris, Merz recently told ZDF during the G7 summit Israel was doing “the dirty work” on behalf of “all of us”. He also expressed his “utmost respect” for the “courage” of Israel’s military and its leadership. He made no mention of the fact that Israel’s strikes violated international law and had already killed hundreds of civilians in Iran – or that dozens of Israelis were killed in retaliatory attacks.
All things considers, Germany’s position remains unchanged: the German government continues to support Israel with weapons and diplomatic cover.
At a meeting of EU foreign ministers in late May, a majority of member states called for a review – and possible suspension – of the EU’s association agreement with Israel in response to its genocidal cmapaign in Gaza.
Such a suspension could have serious economic consequences for Israel. It’s one of the EU’s few meaningful instruments to push back against Netanyahu’s trajectory – whether in Gaza or in the West Bank, where forced displacement has been accelerated while Israeli lawmakers are openly advancing towards formal annexation.
The discussion over a potential review of the association agreement triggered major public debates in Israel. Seventeen of the EU’s 27 member states, including France and Sweden, voted in favor. Germany was among the few that explicitly voted against. And this would have just been a first step – a minor signal that starvation and mass killing would not be met with silence.
The UK took a different path. In early June, the British government imposed sanctions on the two most prominent far-right members in Netanyahu’s cabinet: Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich. The official justification was that both incited violence against Palestinian communities. A generous euphemism: both have openly – directly or by implication – called for the displacement or annihilation of Gaza’s entire population.
The UK’s sanctions are part of a broader initiative joined by Australia, Canada, Norway, and New Zealand. In Germany, such measures aren’t even discussed – neither in politics nor in the media.
Against this backdrop, the fact that some politicians recently distanced themselves from Israel’s actions doesn’t suggest a real shift in foreign policy – rather a shift in discourse. The old narratives simply can’t hold up against the abyss in Gaza. That’s partly because of the images: emaciated toddlers; families executed by Israeli forces while waiting at GHF “aid” distribution points; rescue workers pulled dead from makeshift mass graves.
Polls show that a majority of the German public now rejects Israel’s conduct. This has solidified despite media coverage in which major outlets continue to downplay, ignore, or actively distort what’s happening in Gaza.
But facts can’t stay buried forever. According to Gaza’s Health Ministry, the Israeli military killed nearly 56,000 Palestinians since October 7 – including almost 16,000 children, more than 8,000 women, and close to 4,000 elderly people. Over 116,000 others have been injured, many with life-changing wounds or amputations. Independent estimates suggest the real toll to be far higher. The Costs of War Project believes the numbers are grossly undercounted – a view shared by numerous experts. The Lancet estimated the cumulative death toll at over 186,000. That was in July 2024.
The fact that Germany – a nation that so often invokes the postwar international order – not only failed to prevent these crimes, but actively enabled them is a failure of historic proportions. It is emblematic of the erosion of the very norms and principles on which the global order was built in the aftermath of the Holocaust. That order was fragile before Gaza. After Gaza, it may well be beyond repair.
During the visit of Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar to Berlin in early June, Wadephul reaffirmed Germany’s support for Israel in clearest terms. Israel, he said, “has the right to defend itself against Hamas and other enemies.” Germany would continue to supply Israel with weapons – “that was never in doubt.”
He also rejected the recognition of a Palestinian state, calling it “the wrong signal.” The EU’s association agreement with Israel, Wadephul insisted, should remain untouched. Anyone who had hoped his earlier comments signaled a slight change of course or even consequences was left staring. His statements alongside Sa’ar walked back virtually everything he previously hinted at.
Germany’s current position might best be described as a new pragmatism – one that can no longer sustain total silence or unconditional support for Israel’s genocide, since the international climate just won’t allow it, yet still refuses to translate even its most timid and belated criticisms into real consequences. Germany has backed itself into a corner.
Anyone who claims to take Germany’s historical responsibility seriously cannot dismiss the systematic displacement and mass killing of tens – or hundreds – of thousands of Palestinians in Gaza, the annexation of the West Bank, or the deaths of civilians in Tehran as unfortunate necessities. Given the current reality, talk of a “paradigm shift” in Germany’s policy on Israel-Palestine is nothing short of absurd. What’s even more absurd is that such a shift still hasn’t been more openly demanded.